Ofelya SARGSYAN
As the
Georgian Ministry of Foreign Affairs state on July 10, 2015, the Russian troops moved
the demarcation line between South Ossetia and the rest of the Georgian
territory, placing the so-called “border” on the territory close to the village
of Tsitelubani of Gori municipality and the village of Orchosani in occupied
Akhalgori district adjacent to the Tbilisi-Gori central highway.
While both
Georgia and the international community keep accusing Russia on breaking
international law and violating the territorial integrity of another state,
Russia rejects its role, stating that its troops had been patrolling the same
administrative border since the 2008 Russian Georgian war over South Ossetia.
As such,
during the phone conversation between Head of Georgian Delegation in the Geneva
International Discussions, David Dondua, and Head of Russia’s delegation in
Geneva Discussions, Grigori Karasin, on July 13, 2015, Mr Karasin stated that
the banners marking the “state border” were exactly on the same place where
they stood until April 18, 2015, when they were shown during a TV show of the
Georgian TV Channel “Imedi”. Furthermore, the diplomat highlighted that the
Georgian side was well aware that there was no border movement.
On the other
hand, Georgia condemns Russia on illegal replacement of banners. Furthermore,
the MFA of Georgia considers the Russian action as a continuation of the
so-called “borderization” process within Georgia which breaches the August 12, 2008, Ceasefire Agreement and the fundamental principles of the international
law. Hence, Georgia calls the international community for support and measures
against Russia for violating the country’s sovereignty and territorial
integrity.
As mentioned
above, solidarity with Georgia has also expressed the international community.
To the point,
the EU reaffirmed its support for Georgia’s territorial integrity. Describing
Russian step as “provocative” the Union and its monitoring mission (EUMM)
called for deploying such tools as the Geneva International Discussions and the
Incident Prevention and Response Mechanism (IPRM) to neutralize tensions. This
is also in line with the UN statement, made on behalf of Secretary-General, Ban
Ki-moon, who highlighted the negative impact on the daily lives of the locals,
because of the developments on the demarcation line.
The
President of the Council of Europe’s Congress of Local and Regional
Authorities, Jean-Claude Frécon, also apart from condemning Russia, expressed
the concern that: “The moving of the demarcation line beyond the villages of
Tsitelubani and Orchosani placing the Baku-Supsa pipeline under the control of
the Russian forces creates a further risk of destabilising the whole Region”.
Furthermore,
in her statement, Anne Brasseur, the President of the Parliamentary Assembly of
the Council of Europe (PACE), acknowledged the alarming aspect of the actions
and reiterated the Assembly’s support for the territorial integrity of Georgia.
Russian
actions were officially criticized also by a number of other states, such as
Latvia, Lithuanian, Ukraine, Romania, Japan.
Reaction to
the issue came also from the USA. To the point, while the US ambassador to
Georgia, Richard Norland, described the land-grab as a step to “humiliate and
provoke” Georgia’s pro-Western government, John Kirby, the spokesperson of the
US department of State, urged Russia to implement the provisions of the 2008
ceasefire agreement and withdraw its forces to pre-conflict positions,
recognize Abkhazia and South Ossetia as Georgian regions as well as enable free
entry for humanitarian aid to these regions.
Meanwhile,
on July 19, 2015, the Georgian Minister of Defence, Nina Khidasheli, declared
that Russia is testing Georgia’s patience, attempting to enroll it into a
conflict which is unacceptable for the Georgian government.
Yet, the
situation has generated a number of protests by activists and journalists. To
the point, on July 14, 2015, more than 50 Georgian journalists held a protest “No
to Occupation” in the village of Khurvaleti. They crashed the newly-established
border sign saying “Republic of South Ossetia” and set there a Georgian flag
which was however replaced by the Russian and South Ossetian armed forces two
days later. Another demonstration with thousand protesters took place outside
the State Chancellery building in central Tbilisi on 18 July. Apart from
slogans like “Stop Russia”, the protestors also criticized Irakli
Garibashvili’s government for being weak and incompetent to withstand the
Russian creeping occupation. Moreover, several of the protest organizing groups
– among them the television station Rustavi-2, the magazine Tabula and the NGOs
Georgian Democracy Initiative and Georgia’s Reforms Associates – seem to be in
favor of the United National Movement (UNM), the party of the former Georgian
President, Mikheil Saakashvili. Notable is also the fact that a number of
well-known public figures participated and were even among the organizers of
the rally. As such, Salome Samadashvili, once Georgia’s ambassador of the EU,
talked against the Russian politics, highlighting that it is time for Georgia
to become a modern European state. Also, Giga Bedinishvili, the editor-in-Chief
of Tabula magazine, mocked the current set-up of the Georgian-Russian bilateral
relations which presupposes face-to-face meetings between Georgia’s special
envoy for Russia, Zurab Abashidze, and Russia’s Deputy Foreign Minister,
Grigory Karasin, whose last meeting was on July 15, 2015, in Prague. He stated
that the framework was suggested by UNM parliamentarians, coining the
Garibashvili government as “defeatism”.
Yet, some
locals expressed concerns regarding the protests, stating that they further
exacerbate the living conditions in the immediate vicinity of the
administrative border. Moreover, on July 17 the police limited the entry of
non-locals to the territory.
As a response,
the Prime Minister of the country, Irakli Garibashvili, accused the UNM of
leaving the country with 25,000 internally displaced people and 150 villages
out of central government control. He also called to come and urged the
opposition not to intervene in the government’s efforts in settling the problem.
To solve the situation a meeting was held on July 20, in Ergneti, under the
auspices of the Incident Prevention and Response Mechanism (IPRM),
co-facilitated by Kęstutis Jankauskas, the Head of the EU Monitoring Mission in
Georgia (EUMM), and Ambassador Angelo Gnaedinger, the Special Representative of
the OSCE Chairperson-in-office for the South Caucasus. The Georgian Interior
Ministry officials and representatives of the de facto authorities of South Ossetia agreed that the local
Georgian population can have access to their farmlands which are now within the
territory of South Ossetia. Additionally, the return of Vazha Totladze, a
Georgian citizen of the village of Knolevi, in Kareli district, who was
kidnapped from his garden by armed men and taken into South Ossetia on 18 July,
was agreed upon. Yet, the South Ossetian side refused to remove the border
signs, installed by the Russian troops as well as declined to return the
Georgian flag that the Russian forces had taken down.
As seen,
while the current Georgian Dream coalition government came to power promising
to improve the relationship with Moscow, the latest developments demonstrate
that Russia even furthered its positions in South Ossetia with the new border
signs having been set and so far seem to remain there. To note, this is not the
first incident of line-drawing in South Ossetia – it has been separating itself
from Georgia, installing wired fences since 2008. However, notwithstanding its
claims for independence, as a matter of fact it lacks autonomous
infrastructures, with its budget, economy, and almost all political processes
being controlled by the Russian Federation. Furthermore, the Russian border
guards control and detain trespassers along the demarcation lines. Russia
finances its border signs, fences as well as tracking cameras. South Ossetia
also concluded a military agreement with Russia, entitling the latter to
protect the disputed territory. With these aspects at stake, Georgia has
limited options to act.
It cannot
set border forces since it does not recognize the South Ossetian independence,
thus, that border being nonexistent to it. The country does not want another
military upheaval, either. Hence, it remains for the country to talk against
the situation, present its concerns and describe the actions as illegal and
provocative, and call for international reactions and actions. Yet, there seems
to be little opportunity, if ever, that Georgia will be able to regain the 20%
of its territory. It looks like everyone will eventually accept the new borders
as in the Crimean case. But Germany was also reunited after 45 years.
Source : Libertas
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